[Corpora-List] Monthly online ILFC Seminar: interactions between formal and computational linguistics

Timothée Bernard timothee.bernard at ens-lyon.org
Tue Mar 8 12:47:24 CET 2022


Monthly online ILFC Seminar: interactions between formal and computational linguistics https://gdr-lift.loria.fr/monthy-online-ilfc-seminar/

GdR LIFT is happy to announce the three forthcoming sessions of the ILFC seminar on the interactions between formal and computational linguistics:

- 2022/03/15 17:00-18:00 UTC+1: *Mark Steedman* (University of Edinburgh)

Title: *Projecting Dependency: CCG and Minimalism*

Abstract:

*Since the publication of “Bare Phrase Structure” it has been clear that

Chomskyan Minimalism can be thought of as a form of Categorial Grammar,

distinguished by the addition of movement rules to handle “displacement” or

non-local dependency in surface forms. More specifically, the Minimalist

Principle of Inclusiveness can be interpreted as requiring that all

language-specific details of combinatory potential, such as category,

subcategorization, agreement, and the like, must be specified at the level

of the lexicon, and must be either “checked” or “projected” unchanged by

language-independent universal rules onto the constituents of the syntactic

derivation, which can add no information such as “indices, traces,

syntactic categories or bar-levels and so on” that has not already been

specified in the lexicon. The place of rules of movement in such a system

is somewhat unclear. While sometimes referred to as an “internal” form of

MERGE, defined in terms of “copies” that are sometimes thought of as

identical, it still seems to involve “action at a distance” over a

structure. Yet Inclusiveness seems to require that copies are already

specified as such in the lexicon. Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG)

insists under a Principle of Adjacency that all rules of syntactic

combination are local, applying to contiguous syntactically-typed

constituents, where the type-system in question crucially includes

second-order functions, whose arguments are themselves functions. The

consequence is that iterated contiguous combinatory reductions can in

syntactic and semantic lock-step project the lexical local binding by a

verb of a complement such as an object NP from the lexicon onto an

unbounded dependency, which can be satisfied by reduction with a relative

pronoun or right-node raising, as well as by an in situ NP. A number of

surface-discontinuous constructions, including raising, “there”-insertion,

scrambling, non-constituent coordination, and “wh”-extraction can thereby

be handled without any involvement of non-locality in syntactic rules, such

as movement or deletion, in a theory that is “pure derivational”. One you

have Inclusiveness, Contiguity is all you need.*

- 2022/04/12: *Noortje Venhuizen* (Saarland University)

Title: *Distributional Formal Semantics*

Abstract: [TBA]

- 2022/05/17: *Roger Levy* (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)

Title: [TBA]

Abstract: [TBA]

The seminar is held on Zoom. To attend the seminar and get updates, please register to be on our mailing list: https://sympa.inria.fr/sympa/subscribe/seminaire_ilfc -------------- next part -------------- A non-text attachment was scrubbed... Name: not available Type: text/html Size: 3316 bytes Desc: not available URL: <https://mailman.uib.no/public/corpora/attachments/20220308/d3b7e6c1/attachment.txt>



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